3-3-2025 – Concerns are mounting across Indonesia’s political landscape as President Prabowo Subianto’s administration increasingly places active military personnel in civilian government roles, potentially undermining democratic reforms established after the fall of the Suharto regime in 1998.
The contrast could hardly be more striking. President Prabowo, who captured Indonesia’s highest office in February 2024, campaigned on a “gemoy” (cute) image that deliberately softened his stern military background. Yet merely four months into his presidency, the former general’s governance approach appears to be reconnecting with his military roots through a series of controversial appointments.
These appointments directly challenge Article 47 of Indonesia’s 2004 TNI law, which explicitly restricts active military officers to high-ranking positions in just ten government institutions, primarily those related to security and defence.
“What we’re witnessing is a concerning pattern that risks undermining the separation between military and civilian governance that was so carefully established during Indonesia’s democratic reforms,” said Mufti Makarim, a prominent military analyst, speaking to The Straits Times.
President Prabowo’s first day in office set the tone when he appointed Major Teddy Indra Wijaya, an active military officer serving as his personal assistant, to the critical role of Cabinet Secretary. This position, responsible for advising the President on government operations and policy implementation, falls outside the permitted list of military postings.
In another significant move, Major-General Novi Helmy assumed leadership of Bulog, the national food agency responsible for ensuring stable supply and pricing of essential staples including rice, flour, and corn across the archipelago.
Additional appointments breaching the TNI law include Major-General Maryono heading internal supervision at the Transportation Ministry, Major-General Irham Waroihan in a similar role at the Agriculture Ministry, and the navy’s first commodore Heriyawan taking a senior position at the national Hajj agency overseeing Islamic pilgrimage matters.
Former President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, himself a former army general widely respected for strengthening military reforms during his 2004-2014 tenure, has expressed significant reservations. Speaking to Democratic Party members in February, he emphasized that active military officers joining government or politics must relinquish their military positions—a fundamental principle of Indonesia’s 1998 reforms.
T.B. Hasanuddin, a retired major general now serving as a veteran MP on the defence and intelligence committee, has repeatedly advocated for respecting existing military law. “I have been making repeated reminders in the past 15 years… This has been breached by not only one president,” he noted, calling for proper legal amendments if such appointments are to continue.
These developments have reignited fears about Indonesia potentially sliding back toward “dwifungsi”—the dual-function system that allowed military involvement in civilian roles during the Suharto era. This system, which enabled the military’s influence to extend into politics, business, and civil administration over three decades, ultimately contributed to corruption, political oppression, and social unrest.
The 1998 reforms that followed Suharto’s fall specifically aimed to eliminate this system and establish clear boundaries between military and civilian governance.
Indonesia’s Parliament is now scheduled to consider legislation that would formally expand military roles into additional sectors including the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries and the Attorney-General’s Office, along with other institutions deemed by the president as requiring military expertise. This bill is expected to be debated later in 2025.
Some analysts suggest limited expansion could be justified for recently established agencies like the Maritime Security Agency (Bakamla), created in 2014, which genuinely require military leadership capabilities. However, Makarim cautions that “institutions that carry out administrative tasks or require civilians in technical jobs should not be headed by a military officer.”
