12-9-2023 (KUALA LUMPUR) Over a plate of chicken and white rice, 46-year-old Sam Chin expressed his concerns, saying, “Now that Anwar is in power, he’ll do almost anything to keep it.”
Chin was referring to Anwar Ibrahim, who had spent decades building a reputation as an anti-corruption reformer before becoming Malaysia’s 10th prime minister last November. However, many of Anwar’s long-time supporters, including Chin, now feel betrayed when it comes to his promises for change.
One major controversy surrounds the dropping of 47 corruption charges against Anwar’s deputy prime minister, Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, accused of bribery, criminal breach of trust, and money laundering.
“Anwar has squandered all his moral capital as an anti-graft champion,” said Wong Chin-Huat, a political science professor at Sunway University. “By letting his deputy off, he cannot claim any longer that he stands against corruption.”
Zahid and Anwar were once political opponents, but they joined forces after last year’s election when Anwar’s Pakatan Harapan coalition failed to secure a parliamentary majority on its own and needed support from Zahid’s Barisan Nasional coalition.
Critics accuse Anwar of striking a deal to gain Zahid’s political support for his own prime ministership, but Anwar maintains that he did not interfere in Zahid’s corruption trial.
“I steadfastly believe that Anwar did not interfere in this case,” said Azmi Hassan, a senior fellow at the Nusantara Academy for Strategic Research. “Anwar doesn’t need to wink or give indirect direction to the attorney general’s chambers, but I think the attorney general’s chambers understood very well that Zahid’s support towards Anwar is very critical here. If Zahid is found guilty, then Barisan Nasional’s support towards Anwar will be in the balance.”
However, Wong, the political science professor, argues that Anwar’s involvement cannot be ignored.
“The excuse that Anwar is not involved in getting his deputy Ahmad Zahid Hamidi walking free from 47 charges is lame,” Wong said. “In Malaysia, the prime minister controls the attorney general’s chambers, which doubles up as the public prosecution. Therefore, whatever decisions made by the public prosecution are bound to be seen as reflecting the government’s, the prime minister’s interests.”
Even before the charges against Zahid were dropped, many of Anwar’s supporters were already disillusioned. They claim he has not followed through on past commitments, such as his promise to review laws restricting free speech and to ease the quota system that heavily favors the ethnic Malay majority in public university admissions.
Azmi argues that Anwar had to make some “tweaks” due to pressure from the opposition coalition, Perikatan Nasional, which is gaining strength.
“If Anwar stuck to his principles, what he promised, what we know of Anwar before this, the government would collapse,” Azmi said.
Perikatan Nasional is primarily backed by the conservative Malaysian Islamic Party, which seeks to establish a theocratic state. Anwar’s Pakatan Harapan coalition has historically enjoyed strong support from liberal ethnic Malays and the country’s minority communities, including significant ethnic Chinese and Indian populations, most of whom practice Buddhism, Christianity, or Hinduism.
Azmi suggests that Anwar’s supporters-turned-critics need to acknowledge the compromises he had to make, as otherwise, he would lose more Malay support, potentially leading to a government controlled by Perikatan Nasional.
“They (Anwar’s supporters) need to be realistic, pragmatic,” Azmi said. “They would be far more unhappy with the alternative.”
However, Wong believes that Anwar’s political tactics may backfire. “Anwar’s decisions are not purely driven by reality but also based on his calculation that his core supporters will stay with him and tolerate whatever decisions he makes. But this may not be true,” Wong said. “Even though they may not support the opposition, they can always stay home and cause Anwar’s defeat in future elections.”
