17-6-2023 (KUALA LUMPUR) Abdul Hadi Awang, an Islamic cleric aged 75, has emerged as the most serious wildcard in Malaysia’s shifting political landscape.
For years, Hadi remained on the fringe of national politics. Now, he and his Islamist party, Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), occupy the political limelight. PAS is the single largest entity in Parliament, controlling 43 seats after Malaysia’s turbulent general election last November.
PAS leads the opposition coalition Perikatan Nasional (PN) along with the Malay nationalist party Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) and Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (Gerakan). PAS aims not only to become a mainstay in national politics but also to seize opportunities arising from Malaysia’s political turmoil, largely caused by deep divisions within the dominant ethnic Malay Muslim community, making up over 60% of the population.
As Malay conservatism grows and frustration over political corruption mounts, observers say PAS promotes a brand of politics fused with religion and ethno-nationalism. PAS also fans inter-ethnic distrust by demanding greater sensitivity towards Muslims.
“Hadi and other top PAS leaders feel the momentum is with them after the election,” said Che Abdullah Mat Nawi, a former MP expelled from PAS last year. “My big worry is that this hardline strategy is winning over Malays.”
Ibrahim Suffian of the independent Merdeka Centre believes Malay discontent benefits the opposition. “The momentum is with PAS and PN because Malays remain unhappy with UMNO,” he said, referring to the United Malays National Organisation party in Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s unity government.
The big test will come with six states—Kedah, Kelantan, Negeri Sembilan, Penang, Selangor and Terengganu—holding simultaneous elections for state assemblies by August. PAS aims not only to retain control of Kelantan, Terengganu and Kedah but also to make inroads into Malay-majority seats in Penang, Selangor and Negeri Sembilan, now under Anwar’s Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition.
Home Minister Saifuddin Nasution, an Anwar confidant, said internal surveys show PH will keep control. Winning PN-held states will be tough, but upsets are possible in Kedah. “There are positive signs for us in Kedah because the state government has failed economically,” he said.
The three PN states lag economically and grapple with poor infrastructure, facing water shortages and floods. Critics say PAS’s lofty Islamism does not mesh with sound economics.
While state polls will not immediately threaten Anwar or his government, they are closely watched over concerns Malay support for the government is shaky. Further erosion would suggest more Malays favour PAS and its ally Bersatu over UMNO and Anwar’s multi-racial but Malay-dominated Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR).
Anwar said internal studies found PH enjoys 31% Malay support nationally. “The Anwar government will serve its full term, but PH must woo Malay voters as UMNO struggles,” noted Ibrahim.
Expanding Islamism may not sit well with business, already shying from Malaysia’s markets and viewing the state elections as an early referendum on Anwar. Last week, MIDF Research noted foreigners were net sellers of Malaysian equities worth nearly US$96 million. So far this year, they have sold US$3.4 billion in equities. The ringgit was May’s second-worst performing Asian currency against the US dollar after the yen.
Although Islam is Malaysia’s official religion and secular rule has spurred economic growth, PAS’s growing influence has forced successive governments, especially UMNO’s, to support rising Malay religious conservatism. Now, some UMNO leaders reluctantly acknowledge the strategy to outdo PAS on religion has backfired.
“For many Malays, PAS is an alternative to the still-corrupt UMNO,” said an anonymous senior UMNO official. “This will hit us in the state elections.”
Malay support for UMNO has declined in three elections. In 2018, UMNO and the Barisan Nasional coalition it led since 1957 lost power amid a probe into former leader Najib Razak and the 1MDB fund he started. UMNO won only 26 seats in November, joining Anwar’s government.
While Anwar’s coalition has a two-thirds Parliament majority, thanks to East Malaysian allies, Malay divisions have thrust Malaysia into uncharted territory with Hadi at the centre.
An Islamic scholar who studied in Egypt and Saudi Arabia, Hadi returned home in the 1970s, attracting crowds with his Arabic oratory. Before Hadi, Nik Abdul Aziz ran PAS openly, accommodating non-Muslims and attracting young, urban professionals. Nik Aziz died in 2015; soon after, moderates split to form Parti Amanah Negara, now in Anwar’s coalition.
Last week, Hadi said non-Muslims must accept Malays’ political dominance as most countries do not accommodate those with different native ideologies. “The position of Islam embraced by the Malay community cannot be arbitrarily challenged. … Tolerance shown towards them should be respected,” he wrote.
Separately, Kedah Chief Minister Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor claimed Penang state, run by PH, historically belongs to Kedah. Sanusi, PAS’ election director and Kedah PN chief, now faces sedition charges.
Che Abdullah said rural Malays in Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu regularly face water and flood woes due to logging yet still back PAS. “They accept it as fate and will still vote PAS. Will other state Malays follow?”
While older Malays angry at UMNO may not change, Ibrahim said, “The unknown is younger voters, who are less ideological and may give Anwar’s government a chance.”
