21-5-2024 (MANILA) As the fog of rhetoric swirled around the heated territorial dispute between the Philippines and China, one thing became abundantly clear: Beijing’s relentless pursuit of claiming what was not rightfully theirs, with Ayungin Shoal emerging as a coveted prize – the low-hanging fruit that China could potentially occupy should the rusting, decaying BRP Sierra Madre finally collapse.
Driven by this ambition, the Chinese embassy in Manila went into overdrive, dredging up past deals and purported current agreements, all with the singular aim of preventing the Philippines from delivering much-needed repair materials to the World War II-vintage ship stationed in the contested waters.
Former President Rodrigo Duterte himself admitted to acquiescing to China’s demand that only water and food be supplied to the Philippine troops aboard the Sierra Madre. However, Delfin Lorenzana, who served as defense secretary during that time, appeared unaware of this verbal pact struck between Duterte and his Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping.
Under Lorenzana’s watch, the Philippine Navy proceeded to deliver construction materials to the beleaguered vessel, with one of these resupply missions even being met with water cannons from the China Coast Guard. Enraged, Lorenzana firmly asserted the Philippines’ sovereign right to maintain its commissioned ship, making it clear to the Chinese embassy that such actions were non-negotiable.
Department of Foreign Affairs Despite Duterte’s best efforts to steer the country towards a pro-China trajectory, his position was not necessarily shared by all Cabinet members and government institutions, whose cooperation was essential for effective implementation and follow-through.
His initial appointees at the Department of Foreign Affairs (DFA) – Perfecto Yasay and Alan Peter Cayetano – toed the line, much to the frustration of some DFA personnel, particularly those dealing with the Asia-Pacific region.
The timing exacerbated tensions further, as Duterte’s embrace of China came on the heels of the Philippines’ historic victory in its maritime case against the Asian giant in July 2016.
Yasay appeared somber when announcing the country’s triumph, as if attending a wake, while Duterte eventually dismissed the international arbitration court’s decision as a mere “piece of paper fit for the waste basket.”
Cayetano, on his part, prohibited DFA staff, both in the Philippines and its embassies abroad, from organizing forums to explain the significance of the legal victory – not only for the Philippines but for the entire region.
However, the tide began to turn when Teodoro Locsin Jr. took the helm at the DFA. His voice emerged as a discordant one within the Cabinet, openly challenging China’s overreach. Remarkably, Locsin managed to thwart Beijing’s attempts to explore for oil and gas within the Philippine Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ).
A major factor behind Locsin’s ability to speak out was Duterte’s hands-off leadership style. The president did not concern himself with the minutiae of policy implementation, granting considerable leeway to his Cabinet members as he focused primarily on his controversial drug war and anti-crime campaign. As Locsin recounted, when he sought marching orders from Duterte, the president’s response was: “I tossed you the ball, play it as you see fit.”
Additionally, Locsin’s forceful personality and the DFA staff’s resistance to Duterte’s China pivot played pivotal roles. While Locsin possessed an enormous sense of self-belief, he remained receptive to the inputs of his staff, who consistently opposed the president’s pro-China stance.
In retrospect, despite his volatile temper and towering ego, Locsin emerged as the right person to lead the DFA during that tumultuous period, proving to be a formidable counterweight to Duterte’s pro-Beijing leanings.
Department of National Defense At the Department of National Defense, Lorenzana found himself navigating a delicate balancing act. A retired general who had lived in the United States for many years and served at the Philippine embassy in Washington, D.C., Lorenzana was acutely aware of the anti-China sentiments permeating the ranks of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP).
After all, the military’s strategic moorings have long been anchored in an alliance with the U.S. and partners in the West, as well as friendly nations like Japan and Australia.
Duterte, a man of words rather than pen and paper, rarely issued written orders. For instance, when he announced his desire for U.S. troops to leave the country, Lorenzana had to seek clarification – did the president want an immediate withdrawal, or could the American soldiers remain for a few more years?
Duterte’s response was: “Not immediate, they can stay for a couple of years while we are fighting the terrorists.” And so, the U.S. troops remained until Duterte’s term ended in 2022.
Similarly, in September 2016, Duterte declared that the annual Balikatan joint U.S.-Philippine military exercises would be the last. Again, Lorenzana sought the president’s true intentions. Duterte’s reply was to simply limit the exercises. Ironically, as Duterte’s presidency drew to a close, the largest Balikatan exercises in seven years (since 2015) took place on his watch.
Armed Forces of the Philippines and Coast Guard At sea, the Philippine Navy and Coast Guard continued their patrols in the West Philippine Sea, undeterred by the president’s pro-China rhetoric. However, there was a period when the head of the Coast Guard, a staunch believer in Duterte’s China policy, engaged with their Chinese counterparts – a move that drew heavy public criticism.
Within the Navy, officers confided that Duterte’s overtures toward Beijing held little sway over their operations. As the branch most directly exposed to China’s intimidation tactics in the West Philippine Sea, the Navy remained steadfast in its course.
It was also the Navy that objected to a Chinese company’s plan to take over a bankrupt Korean shipyard in the strategic Subic area, citing national security concerns. Today, the Navy has established a presence in Subic.
Ultimately, what mattered most to Duterte was his personal rapport with China and the preservation of what he termed an “undying friendship” until the final days of his presidency – a stance that often clashed with the realities on the ground and the resolute opposition from key institutions tasked with safeguarding the nation’s territorial integrity.
